28 To address this problem, India proposed to remove the requirement to take into account the difference between the administered price and the fixed reference price as an amber subsidy. Instead, these price support schemes should be considered compatible with the “green box” and be totally limited. According to India, such flexibilities are needed for developing countries to help low-income and low-resource producers, while providing food assistance to poor consumers. In this context, WTO rules should not interfere with members` rights to promote food security. On the other side of the spectrum, developed countries and a number of developing countries expressed concern that such a proposal would undermine the basic requirement of the green box that the measures contained should not support producers. For some countries, it was simply unacceptable to consider such lasting distortions of agricultural trade. Others were concerned that excess stocks accumulated by such systems would eventually be dumped on global markets that affect third-country producers (Bellmann et al., 2013). 7The proposal ultimately did not receive sufficient support. The focus on the LDC has led many non-LDCs to wonder what was there for them. Defining the outlines of the agreement itself has become a challenge, as members have inserted their own themes into the package and have established links between the different negotiating paths. This “Christmas tree” approach quickly became uncontrollable and the mini-package finally failed shortly before the 2011 ministerial post. However, at the conference itself, ministers called for a change of approach to break the deadlock in Doha. They also pledged to “advance negotiations where progress can be made, including focusing on the elements of the Doha Declaration, which allow members to reach interim or final agreements on the basis of consensus earlier than the full conclusion of the single commitment” (WTO, 2011).
Shortly thereafter, the reactions of negotiators and members showed that a small package for the 9th Ministerial Conference in Bali (MC9) was based on trade facilitation – a subject that was not part of the Doha mandate but was one of the fastest areas of negotiations in recent years, and therefore a front-page list for an early harvest — some elements of agriculture. and some issues of particular importance to the least developed countries could be achievable.